MASP IV · Data Platform
East & Central Africa · 2026–2030
Solidaridad
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The Golden Line Programme End Term Evaluation Final Report

The Golden Line programme · Tanzania · Jan 2016 – Dec 2020
EndlineGender & inclusionIncome & livelihoodsDecent workPolicy & governance
Full report (PDF, Google Drive)

The programme created many economic opportunities for women in gold-mining communities. Savings groups (EA$E) and community health businesses look likely to continue, but PPE use at mines remained low, the wage gap had not visibly closed, and advocacy had limited influence on policy.

Overview

This end-term evaluation assessed the five-year Golden Line programme (2016-2020), funded by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Simavi, Solidaridad and Healthy Entrepreneurs implemented it with local partners. The programme aimed to economically empower women in and around artisanal and small-scale gold mining communities in Tanzania (Geita region) and Ghana (Western region). It covered three components: mines (safe and fair mining, women's positions), communities (EA$E savings groups, EMAP men's groups, SRH services, Community Healthy Entrepreneurs) and advocacy. The evaluation looked at effectiveness, synergy and sustainability, including whether results held in communities where support had been reduced after the 2019 midterm evaluation.

Key findings

  • In Tanzania, 14 Golden Line mines now include women in mine management. In at least one mine, women are trained and work in amalgamation.
  • In Tanzania, 75% of community women said their opportunities to earn money had increased somewhat (24%) or a lot (51%). Their average financial security rating rose to 6 from 5.4 at the MTE, and 73% reported positive changes in household financial decision-making.
  • In Ghana, women's average financial security rating rose to 6.9 from 6.3 at the MTE, and the share rating it insufficient fell to 25% from 36%. 89% said the programme helped them take part in decisions on contraceptives.
  • PPE use remained low in both countries despite high awareness. In Tanzania, respondents gave cost (43%) and discomfort (10%) as reasons, and the team observed very little PPE use at the mines it visited. Concrete ponds for mercury handling were largely successful, but retorts were not.
  • Women in mines remained largely in lower-paid roles, especially in Ghana. In Tanzania only 7% of women had changed jobs in the past two years, although 51% wanted another job.
  • Community results held more than a year after support was reduced. Trust in EA$E groups stayed high (in Ghana, 85% rated trust 8 out of 10 or higher), but in one community the groups were no longer meeting.
  • Outcome harvesting found 60 advocacy outcomes (31 Ghana, 22 Tanzania, 9 international), including a major gold-buying brand's sourcing commitment. Influence on policy and regulation, and engagement with financial institutions, was limited.

In figures

Women's financial security rating, midterm to endlinerating out of 10
Earlier measurement Later measurement
Tanzania
Tanzania
Midterm: 5.4 → Endline: 6 rating out of 10
5.4 → 6
Ghana
Ghana
Midterm: 6.3 → Endline: 6.9 rating out of 10
6.3 → 6.9
Data table
ItemEarlierLater
Tanzania5.4 (Midterm)6 (Endline)
Ghana6.3 (Midterm)6.9 (Endline)

Recommendations

  • Look beyond awareness raising to increase PPE use, focusing on comfort and involving women miners in PPE design.
  • Research and pilot zero-mercury models for artisanal mines, and share the lessons with other actors in the sector.
  • Keep building women's confidence and skills for higher mine positions while managing expectations, involve husbands early, and address risks women face at mines (childcare, pregnancy, harassment).
  • Adapt SRH service delivery to what is available locally, preferring existing health facilities over the mobile van, and add support on GBV and consent within marriage.
  • Healthy Entrepreneurs should assess local markets and train CHEs to procure products themselves.
  • Strengthen links between international, national and local advocacy, partner with women-led CSOs, increase engagement with UN mechanisms, and reconsider how to engage financial institutions.
  • Use synergy as a criterion when selecting sites and participants, allow enough start-up time, and treat the Theory of Change and advocacy strategy as living documents (including adding women's self-esteem).

Lessons learned

  • Adapting the approach to the local context, for example the mobile SRH van in Tanzania versus social accountability dialogues with health workers in Ghana, was a success factor.
  • The EA$E model is likely to last because it needs few external inputs and has proven benefits.
  • Awareness raising alone did not change PPE use, and behaviour change at mines takes time.
  • Joint activities among consortium partners after the MTE were cost-efficient and reduced the staff time needed to mobilise participants.
  • The market strategy's asks of private gold buyers and financial institutions were too ambitious for the programme's lifetime.

Methodology

Non-experimental post-measurement design using mixed methods: community and mine surveys (in Tanzania, 147 mineworkers and 176 community respondents; in Ghana, 61 and 258), FGDs, key informant interviews, mine observation checklists, contribution analysis, and outcome harvesting for advocacy. The same sites as the MTE were revisited, and data were collected on tablets with the Sprockler app.

Limitations

  • There was no control group and much of the data is self-reported, so no causal conclusions can be drawn.
  • Because of COVID-19, international consultants worked remotely and could not make observations themselves.
  • The ban on artisanal mining in Ghana reduced mine activity and the number of respondents there.
  • Survey participation by men was low, especially in Tanzania, and social desirability bias was detected (for example on PPE use).
  • Few advocacy outcomes could be externally substantiated, and the wage gap and mercury-reduction indicators were not measured because earlier data were unreliable.